On Fascism and the Current Administration

The political definition of Fascism is notoriously opaque. 

All political taxonomy is difficult. Defining nuanced systems as absolutes is the unending work of political scientists. 

But Fascism, in particular, has evaded concrete definition. Like Socialism, Fascism is hackneyed. With enough kneading, every political opponent can be a Fascist. The result is an unavailing term which no longer surprises the most politically-inoculated apathete. 

As George Orwell wrote in a 1941 collection of essays, "the word Fascism has now no meaning except in so far as it signifies 'something not desirable'".

There are, however, rigorous academic definitions of Fascism. When I was in undergraduate, I took a course called Hitler's Germany. We read an article by the late Umberto Eco titled Ur Fascism. 

Eco grew up in Fascist Italy. As a semiotician, he understood cultures, symbols, and ideologies. His definition of Fascism is useful because it accepts nuance while providing concrete examples and ideological clues to Fascism's development.

Eco defined "Ur-Fascism" as a universal or taxonomically consistent Fascism. Each fascist regime has had different characteristics, but Eco codified their essence into 14-points which can be consistently applied across contexts.

We can use Eco's system to understand contemporary accusations of Fascism while eliding cultural and sociological disparities.

Of all accusations, the most interesting, and politically urgent, are those directed at President Donald Trump. A Fascist in the most powerful democracy in the world would be deadly to the international liberal order. Hence, I will use Eco's taxonomy to better understand accusations of Fascism levied upon the Trump Administration.

A note before we proceed: I will be, for the sake of brevity, summarizing Eco's points. If you wish to cross-check my summaries, you may do so here.

1. Cult of Tradition

Ur-Fascism emerges from a tradition of several contradictory myths. Each contradiction is proof of a deeper truth to be unearthed. In essence, every truth there is, has already been discovered in ancient traditions and needs only to be rediscovered.

There is, in my estimation, some degree of this mythical thinking among Trump supporters. Certainly, many evangelicals believe moral truths about marriage and gender have already been divinely revealed. 

However, there is a mysticism inherent to Fascist rhetoric which is missing in the monotheistic traditionalism of evangelical Christianity (the religious group from which Trump derives the most support). Most Fascists adopt a syncretistic view of traditionalism. The Fascist accepts the mystical aspects of several religions, which they believe reveal eternal and divine truths. I have not seen such syncretism among evangelical Christians. Indeed, their desire for a singular truth seems to inoculate them from the contradictions of Fascist mysticism. 

2. Anti-Rationalism

Fascists willingly reject rational thought (i.e. the scientific method) as degenerate or deprived. They reject the liberal ideals of the American and French revolutions. Necessarily then, empiricism which does not reinforce their moral or political ideals is intolerable.

Under a Fascist regime, science, human rights, equality, and dignity are ignored. We know Trump has a penchant for denying science. When told the climate was warming (which is a well-established scientific consensus), Trump denied it and said "I don't think the science knows, actually".

The COVID-19 pandemic is another area where, for Trump, political considerations took precedence over science. This, the New York Times reported is only one of a series of anti-science responses by the president and his administration.

Other anti-rationalist elements of Trumpism are its various conspiracy theories. These include, Q-Anon, Obamagate, Hunter Biden's various "dealings" with Moscow, and Antifa-captured airplanes.

It is safe to say Trump and his supporters believe--or tacitly accept--anti-rationalism as a guiding political ideal.

3. Do Not Think, Act

For a Fascist, to overthink is to be feminine. A real man acts. What's more, the intellectual world is suspect. Intellectuals are snobs and universities are nothing more than repositories for Marxists who over-think and wring their hands.

One must act on his gut instinct.

Trump has explicitly said this. In an interview with the Washington Post, Trump said he trusted his gut over experts on monetary policy as carried out by the Federal Reserve. Trump has taken this same "gut over brains" tack on other issues like the Coronavirus response, foreign policy, and climate change.

4. Disagreement is Treason

Critical thinking, to the Fascist, is a degenerate sign of modernism. The Marxists lurk in the shadows and seek to undermine the nation through criticism.

Enter Trump's attempt to ban critical history from schools.  In statements on American education, Trump proposed we teach only the “magnificent truth” about "the most exceptional nation in the history of the world.” Critiquing the nation becomes treason against its fundamental values.

Another quote from his statements on American education: 

"Students in our universities are inundated with critical race theory. This is a Marxist doctrine holding that America is a wicked and racist nation, that even young children are complicit in oppression, and that our entire society must be radically transformed"

Bingo.

5. Fear of Difference 

Intellectual difference is one thing, but a Fascist will also exploit the fear of outgroup difference. Surrounding a Fascist movement (especially an ascendant one) will always be rhetoric about "intruders" coming to take the rightful place of "the people".

Trump's 2016 campaign was essentially founded in the fear of immigration: “When Mexico sends its people, they’re not sending their best, they’re not sending you. They’re not sending you. They’re sending people that have lots of problems, and they’re bringing those problems with [them]. They’re bringing drugs. They’re bringing crime. They’re rapists. And some, I assume, are good people.”

In 2018 he wondered aloud to lawmakers, “Why are we having all these people from shithole countries come here? Why do we need more Haitians? Take them out.”

He has called Mexican immigration "an invasion" and once proposed (illegally) shooting people who unlawfully cross the boarder.

Trump is either afraid of immigration (from places where people look different), or else believes his supporters are. He capitalizes on this racially charged fear to fuel his politics.

6. A Class Suffering From Economic Crisis

Eco says Ur-Fascism arises from a frustrated economic class. In Nazi Germany, it was working-class men returning from war who felt their country had been betrayed in the Treaty of Versailles. 

The popular story in the media was that Trump's ascendance was bolstered by working-class Americans hurt by globalization. International capital had re-allocated to China and put thousands of Americans out of work. It made sense that these Americans would vote Trump for his anti-globalist rhetoric. Trump "promised that coal and steel would be the beating heart of a revived U.S. economy", according to the Associated Press. 

While this narrative still permeates the media, a brief analysis by Trade Director for Vox EU Caroline Freund, found Trump did not mobilize more working class voters overall. Rather, Clinton alienated working class voters of color and their turnout declined. Trump only gained support in manufacturing communities which were predominantly white.

Trump mostly benefitted from identity politics rather than class frustration. One could call this a "class" suffering from economic crisis, but it does not have the wide-ranging populist appeal of other Fascist regimes.

7. Obsession with a Plot

When Fascists feel they have lost their sense of social identity, they seek comfort in nationalism. To obtain this comfort, they must imagine an out-group which wants to soil their identity. 

Hence, the Fascist is obsessed with a plot. The plot is instigated by international forces which seek to destroy the nation. There will also be internal "elites" seeking the same end. 

This obsession, according to Eco, is best exemplified by Pat Robertson's The New World Order a work of Christian eschatology. Robertson's book predicted an international elite which would create a global government, seize international finance, and restrict religious freedom as a precursor to Christ's return.

One can draw a loose connection between the above and the new "Deep State" and "Globalist" conspiracy theories proffered by Trump and his supporters. In this case, the Deep State is the inside "elite", and the globalists are the international forces.

All of this is further bolstered by the ascendant Q-Anon conspiracy. Q-Anon unifies many disparate conspiracy theories and has coalesced into a major repository for plot obsession.

Trump seems unwilling to deny or affirm Q-Anon support-- but he has not shied away from conspiracy theories about globalist elite and the deep state.

8. The Ascetics

Fascists must be the underdogs both in wealth and power. To preserve the culture of the "true people of the nation", Fascists construct a myth of ascetic poverty. The nation's people are hard working, no-nonsense, and honest. Whereas, the elites and the external enemies are opulent and ostentatious.

I find there is very little of this in Trump's movement. Certainly, there is haranguing about elites and coastal wealth, but Trump himself is quite wealthy and promotes wealth as a virtue. He has reportedly called Vice President Mike Pence "embarrassingly poor". This is not the rhetoric of an ascetic. 

9. Permanent Warfare

The Fascist sees life as a constant struggle for survival. This was bolstered by the eugenic "science" of the 20th century. Fundamentally, nations are struggling for dominance and only the strong survive. Inferior nations are crushed and their bloodlines eradicated. This can only be achieved through eternal warfare. Each nation and its people must justify their existence through battle.

While Trump has been unnecessarily inconsistent about denying white supremacy and certainly uses race and nationalism as political tools, he does not advocate for eternal war. In fact, Trump recognizes war is antithetical to his politics. During his 2016 campaign he promised to bring American troops home. While debatably impractical, Trump at least recognizes it as broadly popular among his base.

Trump may have an aggressive personality, but he seems to understand the futility of eternal conflict.

10. Contempt for the Weak

Fascists require an ever-extending hierarchy where everyone from the leader to the people rule over--and have contempt for--a subservient group. Because the leader of a Fascist regime knows he derives power from the masses, he must be superior to them and maintain rhetoric which enforces that idea. 

Trump has previously expressed contempt for his own staff as well as for his supporters. There seems to be a degree of fear in Trump that he will be rejected by these people, but he has not enforced a rigid ideological hierarchy like one might expect from a Fascist regime.

11. Heroic Death

Eco writes, "the Ur-Fascist hero craves heroic death, advertised as the best reward for a heroic life". There is a death cult around Fascism. The Fascist believes deeply in the hero myth and desires to be placed at its center.

Certainly, some Trump supporters see him as a hero. In The Case for Trump, Victor David Hanson calls Trump a tragic hero, who is bringing to bear his "uncouth" methods to solve America's existential crises. Others have echoed this sentiment, evoking the Randian Hero of Objectivist Philosophy.

Trump has not called on his supporters to be heroic in the same way. There is no "heroic education" as there was in Nazi Germany, nor is Trump creating organizations to transform young Americans into sacrifices for the nation and its people.

Trump's heroism is less systematic. It is a disorganized machismo, propagated by conservatives who yearn for the masculinity of yesteryear. This is not Fascist heroism.

12. Machismo

The Fascist must be virile. Part of the chauvinist myth of Fascism is sexual prowess and manliness.

Trump has been accused of sexual misconduct (including assault and rape) 26 times. He brags about his sex life incessantly. He has bragged about the size of his penis and his testosterone levels. And he appeals to men who seek the same masculine power.

Trump is the embodiment of toxic masculinity and Machismo.

13. Selective Populism

The Fascist relies on populism, but only when he needs it. Since democracy is antithetical to Fascism, the Fascist must conceive of "the people" as a unified group with a common will that only he can interpret. Here, the Fascist appeals to populist sentiment, but is not himself a genuine populist.

Trump has certainly claimed to be the voice of the people in the past. But he does not apply this in a universal or monolithic way. Rather, Trump is appealing to a small constituency who feels left behind (as argued in point 6). Trump does not claim to speak for "the people" as a totality. He divides Americans vertically by political party.

Trump does not use the selective populism of a Fascist.

14. Simple Words

Fascists rely on a limited vocabulary and basic syntax. Fascists offer simple answers to simplified problems-- and their language reflects this. 

Trump is obviously an example of this. He communicates at a fourth-grade level. He uses childish nicknames for political opponents and tweets statements in all-caps with exclamation marks. He often sounds like a middle-school boy, scared and insecure.

His supporters have picked up on his simple messaging. They parrot his nicknames and non-sequiturs. 

Whether he is trying to or not, Trump has built a new manner of speaking and writing which is unmistakably "Trumpian". This is precisely what Fascists do.

Conclusions

The Trump administration exhibits 8 out of 14 Fascist tendencies. Each of these tendencies are not only taxonomical tools, but issues in their own right. 

We could therefore oppose Trump simply on this basis. However, it seems Trumpism is dangerously close to Ur-Fascism. Whether or not Trump is a true Fascist is, as stated at the outset, difficult to say with precision. What we can say, is that Trump acts like a Fascist in many ways. 

If this examination has proven anything, it is that Trumpism is dangerous and antithetical to a free and democratic society. We cannot tolerate an administration which degrades democratic norms, sides with foreign adversaries over domestic intelligence, or publicly admires authoritarianism abroad. America deserves better than Donald Trump.

I hope this article has been informative. I hope it also helps demystify Fascism. 

What I hope most is that it galvanizes even a handful of people to vote.